1 Career planning for youth today is complex and often non-linear. The transition students make from school to work is complicated by unpredictable labour markets and a shortage of quality employment at the entry level. For students in New Brunswick, career planning can be particularly challenging due to the province’s regional and rural economies. In essence, young people in the province must align their early academic training and career goals with the demands of today’s knowledge economy, although such work may not exist in their communities or even in their region. Secondary education serves as the starting point for students’ active engagement in career planning and is often where they establish courses of action for their adult lives. In this process, secondary school teachers, among other social actors, act as career counsellors who shape students’ expectations, goals, and attitudes in terms of “realistic” career pathways. Problematically for Maritime communities, secondary school teachers are potentially placed in the position of indirectly counselling students to leave their home communities to pursue careers elsewhere in Canada or other parts of the world (Corbett). Because of the emphasis placed on knowledge attainment as a marketable commodity, communities within New Brunswick face the considerable challenge of keeping their highly trained knowledge workers in the region, even in the urban centres of Moncton, Saint John, and Fredericton (McHardie). This paper explores the challenges communities and teachers face in maintaining community while developing young people as future workers. It compares the views of students and teachers in the small communities of Sackville and Bathurst, New Brunswick, on the possibilities for youth to develop their careers in local communities and the Maritime region.

2 Michael Corbet’s study of schooling in Digby Neck, Nova Scotia, shines a light on the problems faced by many rural communities in the Maritimes. Quite simply, schools are educating young people to leave the communities that once fostered growth, identity, and belonging. Corbet identifies a clear disconnect between the fishing culture present within the community and the school’s focus on the skills students needed for knowledge work. Specifically, the town of Digby does not provide students with employment opportunities connected to the knowledge work being taught in schools. Students seeking employment outside of fishing are left to search for work outside the community, resulting in an exodus of young people from the community. Of course, with no young people engaged in knowledge work, the town remains stagnant and risks losing the industries necessary for its sustainability.

3 Connected to the small and stagnant economies of Maritime communities is the associated “habitus” students bring into the classroom. As articulated by Bourdieu, the habitus that helps to define students’ tastes and preferences also shapes their understanding of the possibilities of academic development and growth (Bourdieu and Passeron). In Yoon and Gulson’s study of Vancouver neighbourhoods, we see that school choice and program selection are greatly influenced not only by the class location of their parents, but also by the culture of the community. Students’ peer interactions in their neighbourhoods and in the everyday moments of community living, as expressed through community programs and organizations, result in parents and students having very different understandings of schooling and its intended benefits. In other words, the habitus carried by students in their academic decisions (one of them being career development) are tied up in a myriad of influences, with community serving as a key structural determinant.

4 Of course, this recognition of varied student expectations and consequent “success” in schools is not new. Paul Willis, Jean Anyon, and Michael Corbett, to name a few, clearly demonstrate the disconnect that can exist between students and school culture. It should be noted that these studies, as well as much of the research on school-to-work transitions, demonstrate a disconnect that is primarily driven by the institution of schooling and the middle/upper-class values associated with academic “success.” Similarly, career development as part of the schooling experience impresses upon students the need to meet the middle/upper-class demands of the marketplace (Apple; Bowles and Gintis; Hyslop-Margison and Graham; Lehman and Taylor; Aronowitz). Schools offer students a global understanding of work rather than a student- or community-specific understanding of career. Students are placed in a position where their dreams and aspirations must continually be assessed against trends in the workplace and in economic development rather than simply in terms of their desires or their community’s needs. The general push to deliver knowledge and skilled-trade workers to the economy leaves many teachers and students with only a general and surface understanding of viable workplace options, and can result, particularly for communities in New Brunswick, in little connection between career and community. With this disconnect between career and community, there is a real danger that students in New Brunswick, particularly in smaller communities, will fail to see their community as a viable place to develop their career; they may assume that careers must take place elsewhere.

5 Richard Florida posits that cities will emerge as the loci of economic activity and creativity and place greater strain on small communities by pulling human resource capital into urban settings. Working primarily from the thesis that it is the creativity of the labour force that drives a local economy and not the other way around, Florida argues that cities, towns, and the employers that reside within these communities must find ways to lure, develop, and retain creative workers. The creative class, according to Florida, not only attracts knowledge workers, but has the potential to directly expand the economy and create sustainable growth for cities and towns (The Rise; The Flight; Who’s Your City?; The Rise Revisited). Many critics have pointed out that Florida’s data and analyses are “putting the cart before the horse,” as much of the positive effects he associates with the creative class are simply a reflection of an existing robust economy in a city or region that attracts highly skilled workers to the area (Krätke; Rich). Whether speaking in terms of “knowledge workers” or a “creative class,” there is a clear indication that the shifting modes of production in this country (and for the most part globally) are altering the expectations of employers and students in the school-to-work transitions of youth (Apple; Lehman and Taylor; Aronowitz). The once-stable work in primary and manufacturing industries is disappearing, replaced by highly skilled and technical knowledge/creative work. With a greater emphasis on knowledge and creative work, where does this leave communities in New Brunswick in terms of stability and growth?

6 Historically, Maritime economies have suffered from shifting economic bases and have experienced an outward migration to the rest of Canada. In the past, shipbuilding, forestry, fishing, and mining industries have produced prosperous moments for Maritime communities; however, much of the success was short-lived as fluctuating commodity prices and changes in technology left many Maritime communities scrambling to stay afloat. The history of Moncton, currently the fastest-growing city in the Maritimes (Statistics Canada, Annual Demographic Estimates, 2015), typifies the instability of the region. Much of Moncton’s economic development has involved reinvention alternating with successive collapses of stale and outmoded industries. Founded on a prosperous shipbuilding industry, Moncton first experienced economic hardship when wood ships powered by wind were replaced with the steam-powered shipping vessels built in the United States (Conrad and Hiller). After that economic setback, Moncton was fortunate to be the hub of railway manufacture in the Maritime region. However, with the closure of railways in the 1980s, Moncton faced considerable economic hardship and yet another moment when the economy required reinvention to avoid collapse. In fact, the motto adopted by Moncton in 1875, “Resurgo” (“I Rise Again”), prophetically describes the persistent pattern of collapse and resurgence that defines the economic history of the city. It should be noted that the economic and industrial collapses that have occurred in Moncton over the past century-and-a-half are not unique to the city; rather, Moncton’s history is typical of the economic development in the province and region since Confederation. Whether it is the collapse of coal prices and mining in Cape Breton, or the loss of cod off the Grand Banks in Newfoundland, or even the manufacturing and textile industries of Nova Scotia, much of the economic history of Atlantic Canada has been connected to industry loss.

7 Maritime labour force participation and outward migration patterns in recent years point to a continuing trend of economic stagnation in the region. The unemployment rates for the Atlantic provinces are above the national average, with rural areas in the region experiencing even greater unemployment (Statistics Canada, Labour for Characteristics). Overall, the outward migration patterns point to a net loss for the Atlantic region (Statistics Canada, Annual Demographic Estimates, 2006 to 2011). Even when offset by international immigration, the Atlantic region suffers from relatively low growth rates compared to other regions in Canada, with New Brunswick experiencing almost nonexistent or negative growth. The areas that have experienced recent growth within the Atlantic region are primarily the urban centres of Moncton, Halifax, and St. John’s (Statistics Canada, Annual Demographic Estimates, 2015). The interregional migration points to a move from rural to urban centres: the non-census metropolitan areas for the Atlantic region experienced a net loss in terms of migration (Statistics Canada, Annual Demographic Estimates, 2006 to 2011). Furthermore, the non-census metropolitan areas are experiencing greater rates of aging than the urban centres (Statistics Canada, Annual Demographic Estimates, 2006 to 2011). These findings point to an outward migration of young people from small communities in the Atlantic region and hint at an outward migration from the region as a whole.

8 In attempting to understand the demographic findings presented above, it is pertinent to frame them in terms of the agency exhibited by students and teachers in planning career pathways for young people. On the surface it appears as though human capital theory could explain most of what is taking place; the data showing the flow of young people to urban centres nicely connect with the work of Florida. However, there are likely underlying influences of community that relate to career choices made by students. For example, a student’s social and cultural capital has a significant influence on his or her path trajectory. Furthermore, the habitus carried by the student, which not only reflects parental and class influence, but is also related to the community (Bourdieu; Yoon and Gulson), also shapes these patterns. Students who have inherited significant social capital from their parents and their community— for example, some students in Sackville—may plan and act out post-secondary career paths quite differently than students with differing cultural and social capital (Antonelli; Raffo and Reeves). As well, contrary to human capital theory, we see that an education-job skills gap is emerging that places many young people in employment situations where their knowledge is undervalued and unused (Livingstone); many do not have the opportunity to ply specific knowledge learned in the classroom within their home communities. Could these latter points influence students, especially those with a highly technical or skilled knowledge base, to seek out alternative forms of employment that may exist in a reinvented Maritime economy?

9 The two study sites present a contrast in economic stability and local culture. Sackville is located in the southern part of the province and benefits from a relatively large and stable employer in Mount Allison University. Conversely, Bathurst is in New Brunswick’s northern region, is a larger town, and is dependent upon a natural resource–based economy. Recently, Bathurst experienced significant job loss with the closure of a local mine (Bell); however, the area is still being explored for lucrative mine sites (“Trevali Maintains Positive Momentum”). The two high schools are similar in their student population, with teachers from both schools indicating a slightly higher socioeconomic student population for the school in Sackville.

10 In this study, interviews with teachers and students explored their understandings of career development in their communities and the Maritime region. In one-on-one interviews, fourteen teachers were asked specific questions about their pedagogy and strategies for student development and student success. The teachers provided insight into past moments and future trends in student development, mobility, and success. Fourteen students were interviewed in two focus groups and were asked specific questions about their plans for future employment and how their community fit into their career development. Input from the principals was used to ensure that the sample included a cross-section of student abilities and aspirations relating to school and career development. The interviews and the focus groups lasted roughly forty-five minutes to one hour each.

11 As expected, themes emerged around community life, migration, potential success for students’ careers, local and regional economies, and possibilities for community and regional development. Many of the themes were generated prior to the interviews through specific questions (i.e., local and regional economies, success for students, migration, and community life); however, other themes were generated through a comparative analysis of the teacher interviews and the student focus groups. Similar answers emerged around regional economies that connected and grouped responses under development themes related to community, region, and the economy. In addition, further sub-themes on quality of life and aspirations for self and the community developed during the coding stage. All of the data were organized and analyzed using NVivo coding software.

35 Much of the optimism from participants regarding sustainable communities stemmed from the hope that once young people were established in their careers, there would be opportunities for them to return. Some participants hoped that the province’s recent financial problems were part of a temporary downswing in the economy and noted that many other parts of the country were facing similar issues. Participants were also hoping that some of the recent explorations into shale gas and a proposed pipeline to eastern refineries would mean a possible boom for the province that would allow youth to stay close to home. Also, participants viewed changing economic and workplace practices involving technology and flexible work as hopeful changes for their home communities. As one Bathurst teacher noted: “A lot of technology and that’s going to be…that may help Bathurst too. Because you could live here, do your job and your job could be in, you know, in Boston or anywhere in the world.” It’s unclear whether technology will make work flexible to the point that geography and proximity to urban centres becomes unnecessary; however, it should be noted that this workplace practice was one of the few concrete solutions presented by respondents to deal with the disconnect between desired work and home life.

36 For the most part, participants were not optimistic when discussing the futures of their home communities. In Bathurst, there seemed to be a fixation on the closure of the mines and a resignation that things will only get worse. In Sackville, an interesting paradox emerged. Many of the participants cited the university as the town’s saving grace. Participants in the Sackville study site viewed the university as a solid employer and were not worried that it would shut down or move away. However, there was also the understanding that the university was not going to expand or provide growth to the town and instead would simply exist as it had in the past. Furthermore, neither the teachers nor the students thought that the university would employ the youth in town; they thought faculty positions were likely to be taken by people from outside the community or province. The university helped create a creative class; however, there are few opportunities for this group to ply their knowledge. The economic stability provided by the university ensures stability, but not growth. Workplaces like the university, the hospital, and the local schools provided a handful of well-paying and stable jobs, but these workplaces were not growing and would not produce the economic booms of the shipbuilding, mining, fishing, and forestry industries.

37 It is clear that community has an influence on the career pathways of youth in New Brunswick. Students and teachers carry their community experiences into the classroom and their career expectations are clearly tempered by family and community histories. The habitus of teachers and students lowers the expectations for quality work within home communities and places career success outside of the province. Although it appears the habitus differs somewhat for students in Sackville and Bathurst, resulting in differing career expectations and trajectories, in neither case does it provide a significant economic benefit to the community. In Sackville, where a relatively large creative class has a significant influence over the schooling in the community, students’ career aspirations do not match those available in the region. Similarly, Bathurst students’ and teachers’ exposure to work in primary industries like mining and skilled work in the trades still place career development outside of their community. Teachers and students in both study sites feared that the economic stagnation in the province would make it difficult for students to simultaneously be true to their career development and remain in their home communities.

38 The participants in both study sites expressed fondness for their communities. Students appreciated the upbringing they had in their town and the closeness they experienced with community members. Teachers enjoyed the quality of life afforded to them and the quieter and simpler lifestyle in their home communities. However, the habitus developed around community and the importance of family was clearly being challenged by economic pressures to succeed in particular careers. The sluggish and small economies of these towns do not provide opportunities to develop success locally and many of the obstacles attributed to learning in the schools were connected to the economic struggles of the community. Despite the great hope that students could find success elsewhere and return home at a later date, both teachers and students tempered their optimism with the reality that New Brunswick’s aging and shrinking population would likely make returning to the province a reality only when today’s students entered their retirement years. The option to work seasonally or in alternating two-week stints in western provinces like Alberta, as is done currently by some in the province, presents one strategy for maintaining small communities. However, as was clearly identified by teachers in the study, this is a temporary fix that often leads to many problems for family, community stability, and career development. Instead, in addition to hoping for a fortuitist discovery of oil or gas, respondents noted the shifting ways of performing work and hoped that one day technology would allow them to connect to larger economic and urban centres while setting up their home life in their respective community. They hoped that they could lead a work life in cyberspace and a home life in the real world of their small town.

39 In the end, the comparison between the two towns revealed a clear connection between the stability of the community and the strength of the local economy. In Bathurst, there appears to be a clear understanding among participants that local mining and resource extraction needs to return if the town wishes to keep young people in the community. The employment in this industry is well-paying and is stable work in terms of regular hours and pay. For Sackville, the strength of their creative class seemed only a surface solution to employment and sustainability in the community. Yes, Sackville has strong employers in the form of the university, hospital, and local schools; however, at the moment these organizations do not offer employment opportunities for young people. A stronger creative class seems to be emerging in Sackville than in Bathurst, but without an opportunity to secure employment in creative work or in resource extraction, young people in both regions are existing in a habitus shaped by economic stagnation, and most assume that success exists elsewhere, not in their cherished communities.